Problems of the carless in the United Kingdom and the United States

An examination of current population statistics shows that in the U.S. more than half of the population is without immediate access to a car, and in the U.K. more than three-fifths of the population is without access to a car. This phenomenon has been accentuated by national investment in both countries in major highway programs. The term carless refers to more than just households that own no cars. It extends, in households with cars to those without licenses (old and young), the handicapped, and even the licensed drivers who have no access to the family car when it is in use elsewhere (e.g. at work). The most severely effected are those in urban areas and especially the urban poor. Transportation expenses are limited for the poor when other family expenditures (food, shelter) take a high priority. Once the work trip has been satisfied, money for other trips, for the poor, is not always available. One solution to cost-free travel is pedestrianism (walking), but this too is difficult in urban areas where the pedestrian has been overlooked in favor of the car. Solutions to problems of the carless include dial-a-ride, better public transit, and better design of urban form.     

The determinants of long distance travel in Great Britain

This study analyses of the determinants of long distance travel in Great Britain using data from the 1995-2006 National Travel Surveys (NTSs). The main objective is to determine the effects of socio-economic, demographic and geographic factors on long distance travel. The estimated models express the distance travelled for long distance journeys as a function of income, gender, age, employment status, household characteristics, area of residence, size of municipality, type of residence and length of time living in the area. A time trend is also included to capture common changes in long distance travel over time not included in the explanatory variables. Separate models are estimated for total travel, travel by each of four modes (car, rail, coach and air), travel by five purposes (business, commuting, leisure, holiday and visiting friends and relatives (VFRs)) and two journey lengths (<150 miles and 150+ miles one way), as well as the 35 mode-purpose-distance combinations.The results show that long distance travel is strongly related to income: air is most income-elastic, followed by rail, car and finally coach. This is the case for most journey purposes and distance bands. Notable is the substantial difference in income elasticities for rail for business/commuting as opposed to holiday/leisure/VFR. In addition, the income elasticity for coach travel is very low, and zero for the majority of purpose-distance bands, suggesting coach travel to be an inferior mode in comparison to car, rail and air. Regarding journey distance, we find that longer distance journeys are more income elastic than shorter journeys.For total long distance travel, the study indicates that women travel less than men, the elderly less than younger people, the employed and students more than others, those in one adult households more than those in larger households and those in households with children less than those without. Long distance travel is also lowest for individuals living in London and greatest for those in the South West, and increases as the size of the municipality declines.     

Getting around a license-plate ban: Behavioral responses to Mexico City’s driving restriction

License-plate-based driving restrictions are among the highest profile policies for local governments to address congestion and air pollution. Cities as varied as Sao Paulo, Paris, Tianjin, and New Delhi have enacted temporary or permanent restrictions to improve local air quality. Using household travel survey data and a research design based on the abrupt shift in how the policy applies to 10-year-old vs. 9-year-old vehicles, we evaluate the impact of Hoy No Circula, one of the earliest and most studied driving restrictions, in Mexico City. In line with previous studies, we find that Hoy No Circula has done little to reduce overall vehicle travel, but we reject the prevailing theory that its lack of success is due to perverse incentives for households to buy second cars. Instead, we highlight the range of other, less costly ways that people adjust behavior to avoid the restrictions. Although no single behavior dominates, most households — particularly those that own older, higher-polluting vehicles — do not use their car every weekday regardless of the restriction. As a result, it is relatively easy to shuffle travel from restricted days to unrestricted days and thus avoid the ban. Shuffling travel days is less costly, more immediately available, and far simpler for most households than buying a second car.     

The impact of transit station areas on the travel behaviors of workers in Denver,Colorado

Transit development is one planning strategy that seeks to partially overcome limitations of low-density single use car oriented development styles. While many studies focus on how residential proximity to transit influences the travel behaviors of individuals, the effect of workplace proximity to transit is less understood. This paper asks, does working near a light rail transit station influence the travel behaviors of workers differently than workers living near a station? We begin by examining workers’ commute mode based on their residential and workplace proximity to transit station areas. Next, we analyze the ways in which personal travel behaviors differ between those who drive to work and those who do not. The data came from a 2009 travel behavior survey in the Denver, Colorado metropolitan area, which contains 8000 households, 16,000 individuals, and nearly 80,000 trips. We measure sustainable travel behaviors as reduced mileage, reduced number of trips, and increased use of non-car transportation. The results of this study indicate that living near a transit station area by itself does not increase the likelihood of using non-car modes for work commutes. But if the destination (work) is near a transit station area, persons are less likely to drive a car to work. People who both live and work in a transit station area are less likely to use a car and more likely to take non-car modes for both work and non-work (personal) trips. Especially for persons who work near a transit station area, the measures of personal trips and distances show a higher level of mobility for non-car commuters than car commuters – that is, more trips and more distant trips. The use of non-car modes for personal trips is most likely to occur by non-car commuters, regardless of their transit station area relationship.     

Livelihoods,daily mobility and poverty in sub-saharan Africa

Based on research funded by the UK Department for International Development, this paper investigates the utility of a livelihoods approach in identifying the mobility and accessibility needs of the poor. Mobility patterns and livelihoods of stratified samples of households in urban-to-rural corridors originating in the national capital cities of Zimbabwe and Uganda are compared, with emphasis on the poor's position relative to higher income groups. It is found that livelihood work was the most frequent purpose of short-distance travel for all income groups and localities, amounting to 38% of trip purposes in Uganda and 46% in Zimbabwe. On average, Zimbabweans were more mobile making more daily trips over longer distances reflective of greater reliance on motorized transport in the country. Nonetheless, walking dominates modal journeys in both countries. Ugandans display heavier dependence on bicycle and motorcycle transport primarily through taxi hire compared with Zimbabweans' private care and public kombi bus transport. Survey evidence suggests that Uganda's poor and middle-incomed urban and rural residents benefit from more widely available multimodal public transport.     

An activity pattern – destination land use choice model of low income households of informal settlements – Case study of Delhi

Various transportation studies carried out in India, while estimating the travel demand, do not take into consideration the travel characteristics of different income groups. The conventional transportation travel demand model lacks the ability to address the travel needs of the urban poor. This paper explores the factors influencing the travel destinations of urban poor living in informal settlements and finds that travel times have a significant negative impact on the choice to travel and influences the choice of the destinations. The study also finds that the inhabitants of informal settlements are adversely affected by urban policies that displace them and rehabilitate them far from their employment opportunities and that the travel characteristics of low income households living in informal settlements are significantly different from higher income households.     

Spatio-temporal analysis of car distance,greenhouse gases and the effect of built environment: A latent class regression analysis

This work examines the temporal–spatial variations of daily automobile distance traveled and greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) and their association with built environment attributes and household socio-demographics. A GHGs household inventory is determined using link-level average speeds for a large and representative sample of households in three origin–destination surveys (1998, 2003 and 2008) in Montreal, Canada. For the emission inventories, different sources of data are combined including link-level average speeds in the network, vehicle occupancy levels and fuel consumption characteristics of the vehicle fleet. Urban form indicators over time such as population density, land use mix and transit accessibility are generated for each household in each of the three waves. A latent class (LC) regression modeling framework is then implemented to investigate the association of built environment and socio-demographics with GHGs and automobile distance traveled. Among other results, it is found that population density, transit accessibility and land-use mix have small but statistically significant negative impact on GHGs and car usage. Despite that this is in accordance with past studies, the estimated elasticities are greater than those reported in the literature for North American cities. Moreover, different household subpopulations are identified in which the effect of built environment varies significantly. Also, a reduction of the average GHGs at the household level is observed over time. According to our estimates, households produced 15% and 10% more GHGs in 1998 and 2003 respectively, compared to 2008. This reduction can be associated to the improvement of the fuel economy of vehicle fleet and the decrease of motor-vehicle usage – e.g., a decrease of 4% is observed for fuel efficiency rates and 12% for distance according to the raw average estimates from 1998 with respect to 2008. A strong link is also observed between socio-demographics and the two travel outcomes. While number of workers is positively associated with car distance and GHGs, low and medium income households pollute less than high-income households.     

Residential relocations and changes in vehicle ownership

While the relationship between automobile ownership and the built environment is well established, less is known about how household relocations—specifically, moves between urban and suburban geographies—affect the likelihood of owning an automobile. Using the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and a refined neighborhood typology, I examine the relationship between inter-geography moves and transitions into and out of carlessness. Results suggest that among low-income households, urban-to-suburban movers have an increased likelihood of becoming car owners; those moving in the “opposite” direction—from suburban to urban neighborhoods—show a high propensity to transition into carlessness. Patterns among higher-income households, while similar, are more pronounced. In particular, higher-income carless households that make urban-to-suburban moves are far more likely to become car owners than their low-income counterparts. This highlights the ease with which higher-income households adjust their car ownership levels to suit their post-move neighborhoods. Higher-income suburban-to-urban movers are also more likely to transition into carlessness than low-income households. Importantly, however, only households at the bottom end of the “higher income” distribution have an increased propensity to become carless; suburban-to-urban movers with more financial resources maintain vehicle ownership rates similar to households that remain in the suburbs.

     

Are multi-car households better suited for battery electric vehicles? – Driving patterns and economics in Sweden and Germany

Battery electric vehicles (BEVs) could reduce CO₂ emissions from the transport sector but their limited electric driving range diminishes their utility to users. The effect of the limited driving range can be reduced in multi-car households where users could choose between a BEV and a conventional car for long-distance travel. However, to what extent the driving patterns of different cars in a multi-car household’s suit the characteristics of a BEV needs further analysis. In this paper we analyse the probability of daily driving above a fixed threshold for conventional cars in current Swedish and German car driving data. We find second cars in multi-car households to require less adaptation and to be better suited for BEV adoption compared to first cars in multi-car households as well as to cars in single-car households. Specifically, the share of second cars that could fulfil all their driving is 20 percentage points higher compared to first cars and cars from single-car households. This result is stable against variation of driving range and of the tolerated number of days requiring adaptation. Furthermore, the range needed to cover all driving needs for about 70% of the vehicles is only 220 km for second cars compared to 390 km for the average car. We can further confirm that second cars have higher market viability from a total cost of ownership perspective. Here, the second cars achieve a 10 percentage points higher market share compared to first cars, and to cars in single-car households for Swedish economic conditions, while for Germany the corresponding figure is 2 percentage points. Our results are important for understanding the market viability of current and near-future BEVs.     

Modal shift implications of e-bike use in the Netherlands: Moving towards sustainability?

This paper investigates the modal shift patterns of e-bike users in the Dutch context. We focus on the change in e-bikers’ travel behavior to assess whether this change benefits sustainability. Our study provides direct ecologically valid evidence on modal shift by using a longitudinal dataset from the Netherlands Mobility Panel survey. We examine e-bikers’ modal shift patterns before and after acquiring an e-bike. The findings indicate that after e-bike adoptions, conventional bike use reduces significantly, while car use reduces less strongly. Nonetheless, the share of car kilometers is much larger than that of conventional bikes at the baseline. Besides, the emission rate per passenger kilometer of an e-bike is several times lower than that of a car. These imply a net environmental gain after e-bike adoptions. The present study also sheds light on modal shifts at a disaggregated level by investigating those e-bikers who are more likely to drive less after e-bike adoption. The findings suggest that e-bikers younger than 50 and those around retirement age (60–69) seem more likely to step out of their cars. Additionally, people living in rural areas tend to be more likely to reduce their car use than their counterparts in highly urbanized areas. Based on our findings, we present policy recommendations for achieving a greener shift in mobility systems.     

A dynamic analysis of household car ownership

This paper examines the determinants of household car ownership, using Irish longitudinal data for the period 1995–2001. This was a period of rapid economic and social change in Ireland, with the proportion of households with one or more cars growing from 74.6% to 80.8%. Understanding the determinants of household car ownership, a key determinant of household travel behaviour more generally, is particularly important in the context of current policy developments which seek to encourage more sustainable means of travel. In this paper, we use longitudinal data to estimate dynamic models of household car ownership, controlling for unobserved heterogeneity and state dependence. We find income and previous car ownership to be the strongest determinants of differences in household car ownership, with the effect of permanent income having a stronger and more significant effect on the probability of household car ownership than current income. In addition, income elasticities differ by previous car ownership status, with income elasticities higher for those households with no car in the initial period. Other important influences include household composition (in particular, the presence of young children) and lifecycle effects, which create challenges for policymakers in seeking to change travel behaviour.     

Household choices of car-use reduction measures

The present research investigated what car-use reduction measures are perceived by households to be feasible if their goal is to reduce car driving. In Study 1 a number of such measures were included in a survey questionnaire requesting a total of 770 randomly selected respondents to rate how likely they would be to choose the different measures. The ratings suggested that for shopping trips choosing closer stores and trip chaining are more likely to be chosen than any other measure. A similar pattern was observed for leisure trips. Switching to public transport was the most likely choice for work trips. Women were more likely than men to choose public transport and trip chaining, whereas men were more likely than women to choose motorbike/moped. Choices of car pooling, biking, and motorbike/moped decreased with age. In Study 2 it was determined in interviews what choices households would make in forming car-use reduction intentions, then 1-week travel diaries were collected to assess whether their car-use intentions were implemented. A random sample of 113 multiperson households participated. They expected to be able to change approximately 10% of their car trips. However they made many more trips than they had expected. Constraints, perceived costs, and preferences for different car-use reduction measures may all play a role for the choices. Further research needs to disentangle these roles since their implications for policies are different.     

Car ownership,travel and land use: a comparison of the US and Great Britain

This paper conducts an international comparative analysis of relationships between car ownership, daily travel and urban form. Using travel diary data for the US and Great Britain, we estimate models of car ownership and daily travel distance. Both a structural model with daily travel conditional upon car ownership and a reduced form model for daily travel, excluding car ownership, are estimated. Model results are similar, and show that differences in travel are explained by (1) differences in demographics between the two countries; (2) lower household income in Great Britain; (3) country specific differences in costs of car ownership and use, transport supply and other factors we have not been able to control. We find that metropolitan size affects travel only in the largest metropolitan areas of the US. Daily travel distance is inversely related to local population density, but the effect is much stronger for the US than Great Britain. We conclude that higher transport costs in Great Britain promote economizing behavior, which in turns leads to more consumption of local goods and services and more use of alternative transport modes.     

Gendered immobility: influence of social roles and local context on mobility decisions in Pakistan

This paper examines the instances of one-day immobility in Pakistan and reports its socio-demographic determinants using the nationally representative dataset of the 2007 Pakistan Time Use Survey. Of 37,830 time diary respondents, nearly 30% did not report travel during the diary day. Homemakers and those out of the workforce were more likely to be immobile than employed or student respondents. Immobility rates were very high among women (55%) as compared to men (4%). Among women, those between 20 and 34 years of age, married, with children, having better education, dependent on other household members and those living in higher income households were more likely to be immobile. The excessive gender nature of immobility seems to be triggered by a gender-based sociocultural environment, which restricts female mobility due to family honor concerns. Other than this, those living in the provinces of Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or in urban areas were more likely to be immobile than those living in Punjab and Sindh provinces or in rural areas. The significant geographic effect at broader spatial scale is caused by the demographic structure as well as due to differences in the social and cultural context of these areas. Finally, questions regarding the measurement of immobility and the potential implications of increased female immobility are discussed.     

Area- and gender-based commuting differentials in India’s largest urban-rural region

In the countries of the Global South such as India, rapid urbanization and the increase in individual motorization may lead to a predominance of unsustainable commuting patterns. However, urbanization also has important positive effects, including the empowerment of women. This paper examines newly released, spatially disaggregated data on home-to-work commuting by non-agricultural workers in the National Capital Region of India. It aims to understand and compare commuting patterns in urban and rural areas, including choice of travel modes, commuting distances, and gender differentials.The results reveal a tendency observable in urban residents to use individual motorized transport more often both for short and for long trips, although the proportion of individual motorization is far from what it is in the industrial world. Rural areas are characterized by the predominance of non-motorized travel modes and a large share of long trips. The mobility gap between men and women does not appear to increase with literacy. In urban areas, women often choose to commute by car rather than using green modes of transportation (especially in higher-income districts). The paper stresses the importance of the area and gender differentials that need to be taken into account when formulating regional transport policies.     

Car use,commuting and urban form in a rapidly growing city: evidence from Beijing

The links between urban form and travel behaviour have been widely studied in the field of travel demand management. However, the existing literature is dominated by case studies from the developed countries. A study of a city in a developing and industrialising country can add some fresh evidence to the debate on the impacts of urban form on travel patterns. Using household survey data from Beijing, this paper finds that aspects of urban form have significant effects on workers' car use and the duration of travel by car in journeys to work, while controlling for socio-economic factors and households’ preferences related to residential location. The sprawling patterns of land development play a negative role in reducing motorised commuting trips and shortening vehicle hours travelled in the current processes of rapid urban expansion and motorisation. Since urban sprawl is greatly influenced by growing market forces, the findings in this paper reveal the negative effects of regulation–liberation of land development management on travel behaviour modification.     

Household-level commuting mode choices,car allocation and car ownership level choices of two-worker households: the case of the city of Toronto

The paper presents a comprehensive investigation on household level commuting mode, car allocation and car ownership level choices of two-worker households in the City of Toronto. A joint econometric model and a household travel survey dataset are used for empirical investigations. Empirical models reveal that significant substitution patterns exist between auto driving and all other mode choices in two-worker households. It is revealed that, female commuters do not prefer auto driving, but in case of a one car (and two commuters with driving licenses) household, a female commuter gets more preference for auto driving option than the male commuter. Reverse commuting (commuting in opposite direction of home to central business district) plays a critical role on household level car allocation choices and in defining the stability of commuting behaviour of two-worker households. Two worker households in higher income zones and with longer commuting distances tend to have higher car ownership levels than others. However, higher transit accessibility to jobs reduces household car ownership levels. The study reveals that both increasing two worker households and reverse commuting would increase dependency on private car for commuting.     

A utility-theory travel demand model incorporating travel budgets

A model of traveler behavior is proposed which is consistent with the possibility that travelers expend average daily amounts of time and money on travel with stable regularities both among urban areas and over time in the same area. The model is founded on economic utility theory. It is designed to forecast: (1) the amount of total travel generated by types of households, (2) the division of travel among available modes, and (3) the relationship between the amounts of time and money allocated to travel expenditures. The qualitative properties of the model are shown to be consistent with economic principles. Specific theoretical results reveal that, in the simultaneous presence of constraints on both time and money, travel budgets are not strictly constant proportions of income and time available as they are in the cases of single constraints relevant to classes of travelers to whom time is scarce compared to money, or conversely. Constant expenditure proportions are shown to be linear approximations which are subject to empirical validation. The relevant economic principle is that expenditures can be considered fixed in the short run but become flexible in the long run when utility maximization is applied to the expenditures themselves and not just to their allocation. Empirical tests of the model using data from three urban areas are positive, but additional tests are called for. The most important output of the research is deemed to be the establishment of theoretical hypotheses which can be used in continuing tests of travel budgets.     

Gender,Residential Location,and Household Travel: Empirical Findings from Low‐income Urban Settlements in Durban,South Africa

Abstract

Urban development and transport policies designed to improve the livelihoods of poor communities need to consider the particular needs of women to be effective. Gender roles are played out in a spatial world, and can thus be expected to vary across the urban landscape. The paper examines empirical relationships between spatial factors—in particular residential location within the city—and travel behaviour for men and women in a cross‐section of low‐income communities in a large metropolitan area in South Africa. Data from a comprehensive household survey show that locality has a significant influence on gender experiences of mobility. Gender differences are greatest in more distant, rural localities, although site‐specific characteristics such as walking access to social services, informal work, and small‐scale agriculture help alleviate women’s inequitable travel burdens. Central localities display the smallest differences between men and women’s travel habits, supporting the notion that the high access afforded by centrally located housing helps to promote the satisfaction of women’s daily needs as well as their strategic empowerment. Households in peri‐urban and peripheral localities suffer the highest travel burdens, having neither the high access of a central location nor the livelihoods‐enhancing amenities of a rural environment. Women bear a large part of this burden. Urban development strategies to benefit the urban poor while promoting gender equity are highlighted, including an added emphasis on the provision of social and educational infrastructure within closer proximity to peripheral residential areas, coupled with better pedestrian access.     

Trip chaining as a barrier to the propensity to use public transport

Trip chaining is a growing phenomenon in travel and activity behaviour. Individuals increasingly seek out opportunities to minimise the amount of travel required as part of activity fulfilment, given the competing demands on time budgets and their valuation of travel time savings. This search for ways of fulfilling (more) activities with less travel input has produced a number of responses, one of which is trip chaining. A particularly important policy implication of trip chaining is the potential barrier it creates in attracting car users to switch to public transport. This paper seeks to improve our understanding of trip chaining as a barrier to public transport use. A series of discrete choice models are estimated to identify the role that socio-economic and demographic characteristics of households have on the propensity to undertake trip chains of varying degrees of simplicity/complexity that involve use of the car or public transport with an embedded commuting or non-commuting primary purpose. Multinomial logit, nested logit and random parameter logit models are developed and contrasted to establish the gains in relaxing the strict conditions of the multinomial logit model.