Suburban attitudes toward policies aimed at reducing solo driving

Policies that are aimed at discouraging commuters from solo driving have become a part of overall efforts to improve air quality and reduce traffic congestion. Since driving alone is the overwhelming choice of employed residents in US metropolitan areas, the political acceptability of proposed policy changes plays a role in their success. The 1992 Orange County (CA) Annual Survey asked employed solo drivers to rate their likelihood of changing from solo driving in response to various fees and incentives. Fewer say they would be very likely to stop solo driving if they were charged a parking fee at work (20%), a smog fee (17%) or a congestion fee (16%), than if their employers paid them a cash bonus for stopping solo driving (28%), or if more public transit (33%) or more carpools at work (35%) were available. Young and lower-status solo drivers are more likely than others to say they would stop driving alone if there were fees or cash bonuses. Current non-solo drivers tend to be young and low income, providing a validity check on the demographic predictors of stated preferences. The findings are discussed in light of recent policy changes in Southern California.     

Cohort analysis of driving cessation and limitation among older adults

Automobiles are central to participation in economic, social, and cultural activities in the United States. The ability to drive as one ages is fundamental to the quality of life among older adults. Driving rates decline significantly with age. Researchers using cross-sectional data have studied the reasons former drivers have stopped driving, but few have followed individuals over time to examine changes in relationships among driving cessation, socio-demographics, and health conditions. We used longitudinal data from a national sample of 20,000 observations from the University of Michigan Health and Retirement Study (HRS) to examine relationships among demographic variables, health conditions, and driving reduction and driving cessation. Longitudinal data allow analysis of generational differences in behavior, a major advantage over cross-sectional data which only allow comparisons of different people at one point in time. We found, like many other studies, that personal decisions to limit and eventually stop driving vary with sex, age, and health conditions. In addition, unlike most previous studies, we also found that those relationships differ by birth cohort with younger cohorts less likely to stop and limit their driving than their older counterparts. The findings indicate an evolution in the association between driving cessation and its causes.

     

Can rural older drivers meet their needs without a car? Stated adaptation responses from a GPS travel diary survey

Rural seniors are highly dependent on their automobile to meet their trip making needs, yet the effects of aging can make access to the vehicle difficult or impossible over time. The anticipated growth in the older person population, in concert with limited travel data available to support rural transportation planning in Canada suggests a disconnect between what rural older people may require for transportation and the availability of formal alternatives. Many will seek informal alternatives to driving, such as depending on friends and family, to meet their travel needs, but the degree is not well understood in the context of their actual vehicle usage and stated ability to adapt. This paper draws from a Global Positioning System (GPS)-based multi-day travel diary survey of a convenience sample of 60 rural older drivers (29 men, 31 women, average age of 69.6 years) from New Brunswick, Canada. Participants would rely on “friends and family” for 52% of all trips they undertook as driver in the survey, “walk or bike” for 14% of trips, and “not take the trip” in 34% of trips if they did not have access to a vehicle. The formal option of “Transit” was not selected as a viable alternative by any participant for any trip. “Medical trips”, “Shopping” and “Personal Errands” were the least discretionary of all trip types, yet the most difficult for participants to find alternate arrangements. This suggests the need to explore different models of service delivery, such as a community-supported, member-based rural shuttle service with volunteer and paid drivers that build on informal social networks and can provide service when friends and family are unavailable.     

Drivers' route choice and learning mechanism under bounded information environment

In this paper, we propose the theory of Rational Beliefs as the model of expectations that extends the theory of rational expectations to the postulated environments. Under the rational beliefs paradigm, drivers do not have structural knowledge of traffic conditions and they choose their routes based only on personal experiences and decision‐making rules. We found that if drivers have different decision‐making rules and experiences, then they form different beliefs of traffic conditions (e.g. average travel time) even though they have the same public information and use the same routes. Under the rational beliefs model, drivers are not motivated to renew their beliefs because the beliefs are compatible with their experiences. Therefore, the heterogeneity of beliefs does not disappear even though they have long‐term learning. In order to investigate how drivers form their beliefs of traffic conditions under bounded information environments, numerical experiment is carried out.     

Communication with non-drivers for promoting long-term pro-environmental travel behaviour

The decision whether to obtain a driving license has a substantial effect on a person’s travel behaviour for the rest of his/her life and on lifetime CO₂ emissions. In heavily motorized societies, non-drivers often decide to obtain a driving license simply because others one, and with little unawareness of the negative aspects of automobile use. It is hypothesized that providing non-drivers with better information would influence their choice on whether to obtain a license. To obtain objective information, a field experiment was conducted followed by a survey. When information about the risks, costs, and enjoyment of automobile use was made available, it affected a person’s attitude toward life using an automobile. This information also influenced whether respondents possessed a driving license 18 months after the experiment.     

Electric vehicles: How much range is required for a day’s driving?

One full year of high-resolution driving data from 484 instrumented gasoline vehicles in the US is used to analyze daily driving patterns, and from those infer the range requirements of electric vehicles (EVs). We conservatively assume that EV drivers would not change their current gasoline-fueled driving patterns and that they would charge only once daily, typically at home overnight. Next, the market is segmented into those drivers for whom a limited-range vehicle would meet every day’s range need, and those who could meet their daily range need only if they make adaptations on some days. Adaptations, for example, could mean they have to either recharge during the day, borrow a liquid-fueled vehicle, or save some errands for the subsequent day. From this analysis, with the stated assumptions, we infer the potential market share for limited-range vehicles. For example, we find that 9% of the vehicles in the sample never exceeded 100 miles in one day, and 21% never exceeded 150 miles in one day. These drivers presumably could substitute a limited-range vehicle, like electric vehicles now on the market, for their current gasoline vehicle without any adaptation in their driving at all. For drivers who are willing to make adaptations on 2 days a year, the same 100 mile range EV would meet the needs of 17% of drivers, and if they are willing to adapt every other month (six times a year), it would work for 32% of drivers. Thus, it appears that even modest electric vehicles with today’s limited battery range, if marketed correctly to segments with appropriate driving behavior, comprise a large enough market for substantial vehicle sales. An additional analysis examines driving versus parking by time of day. On the average weekday at 5 pm, only 15% of the vehicles in the sample are on the road; at no time during the year are fewer than 75% of vehicles parked. Also, because the return trip home is widely spread in time, even if all cars plug in and begin charging immediately when they arrive home and park, the increased demand on the electric system is less problematic than prior analyses have suggested.     

Inferring price elasticities of car use and moral costs of driving without a licence

The article develops a model which makes it possible to infer drivers’ perceived extra costs per km of driving without a license and the moral costs of doing so. Furthermore, it gives estimates of the ratios between responses to car license suspension in different time perspectives. The calculations are carried out using data over car holders’ willingness to pay for not losing their driving license for 12 months and 24 months, their yearly driving distance and variable car usage costs. The elasticity ratios estimated here are compared with previous studies of short-term and long-term elasticities of car usage with respect to car usage costs.     

Sustainability and automobility among the elderly: An international assessment

In the next three decades there will a huge increase in both the absolute number of older people and in their percentage of the populationin almost all Western European countries, North America, and Australia. Most older people will have active lifestyles in which mobility and access play a major role and almost all older men and a majority of older women will be car drivers, used to the convenience and flexibility which the car provides.Using data from the US, Australia, Germany, New Zealand, Norway, and the United Kingdom, the paper shows that, in spite of cultural and policy differences, older people around the world are more likely to have a license, to take more trips, and to do so more often as the driver of a car than older people just a decade ago; they are also less likely to use public transit. These trends have a number of sustainability implications – the most obvious one is increased environmental pollution. For example, even though older people may travel less than younger drivers they may be polluting proportionately more because a) they are less likely to make as great a proportion of trips in public transit as younger people and b) the trips they do make may create more pollutants. In addition, older drivers may incur more wasted miles due to wayfinding errors and trip-scouting behavior. And when older people curtail their driving, younger family members may have to increase (or lengthen) their trip-making to provide needed services or additional transportation.While this paper stresses the environmental problems posed by an aging population, effective strategies arise from a focus on a broader definition of sustainability. The most important approach is to accept the inevitable and work to make the private car "greener" and safer. New transit service concepts and strategic community and neighborhood design and service elements can complement the development of cleaner cars.Although many of the potential strategies are not new, or can be expensive to implement, the convergence of environmental concerns with other problems arising from the automobility of the elderly – including increasing crash rates and serious loss of mobility among those unable to drive – may make these policies more politically viable than in the past.     

On the perceived justice of urban road pricing: An empirical study in Lyon

Various methods of restricting automobile traffic, by price (tolls) or by quantity (odd/even license plates or limited days of traffic), are tested in a survey (N ～ 400) about attitudes toward traffic restrictions in Lyon, France. Ordered probit models with random-effects panel allow us to estimate the survey respondents’ perceptions of these methods, as well as the roles of individual socio-demographic characteristics in the formation of these perceptions. Both the restriction of automobile traffic and its regulation by congestion (waiting in line) are widely considered unjust by the respondents, regardless of whether they work and whether they are drivers or non-drivers. Their attitudes towards tolls justified by the pollution caused by automobile traffic are less negative. As regards compensation, in addition to emergency vehicles and those that transport people with limited mobility, respondents believe car-pooling ought to benefit of a toll exemption. The support for a reduced rate for low-income users shows a concern for justice to which it will be necessary to respond. The respondents’ socio-professional status, level of education, car use or non-use, and residence inside or outside of the toll zone clearly play a role in their perceptions of these methods of regulation and compensation.     

The influence of bus service satisfaction on university students' mode choice

The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between bus service satisfaction and the transport mode of choice among university students in Qatar. The degree of bus service satisfaction was collected directly from questionnaire surveys, in which university students were asked questions in relation to their satisfaction with the bus service they used and their transport mode of choice. These questions were categorized into three factors according to confirmatory factor analysis: service at bus stops, service of busses, and service of drivers. Furthermore, the students were asked which mode of transport they used given the choice between public and private transport. This study presents a structural equation model to determine how much bus service satisfaction affects people's decisions about their transport mode. The results from the analysis showed that three key factors—namely, service at bus stops, service of busses, and service of bus drivers—were strongly correlated to the mode of choice. In particular, the bus stop was strongly associated with ease of use, shade, cleanliness, safety, and crowdedness level, while the bus itself influenced reliability, travel time, and frequency. Complying with traffic laws and the driver's attitude were also important contributors to the level of bus service satisfaction. Ultimately, this study will be beneficial for policy/decision‐makers. It will allow them to determine what needs to be accomplished to encourage people to use public transportation. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

A methodology to evaluate driving efficiency for professional drivers based on a maturity model

Over the last decade, transport companies have tried to reduce fuel consumption using efficient driving programs. In them, motorists have to apply different specific techniques while driving. Thus, to succeed in this learning process there are two key elements: the knowledge of efficient driving techniques and the drivers’ motivation. The latter is a human factor which companies usually bring about by using reward systems. In this case, having a fair evaluation mechanism is the keystone to determine goal fulfilment. This paper presents a complete methodology to evaluate driving efficiency of drivers in professional fleets. The evaluation methodology is based on a continuous process which determines the maturity of the motorist in different aspects, such as the efficiency during the start of the vehicle movement, during motion or in stop events. In addition, the evaluation methodology includes an early-classification method to establish the initial efficiency level of the individual drivers which permits an adaptation of the learning process from the beginning. A dashboard has also been developed to support the evaluation methodology. 880 professional drivers have been evaluated with this methodology. Results show that the evaluation methodology identifies drivers’ weaknesses, to be improved in successive iterations of the learning process.     

Walking to the bus: perceived versus actual walking distance to bus stops for older adults

The walking trip from an origin or destination to a bus stop or transit station can be a barrier to riding transit for older adults (over age 60) who may walk more slowly than others or experience declining physical mobility. This article examines the relationship between transit ridership and proximity to fixed-route transit stations using survey data for older adults in Buffalo and Erie County, New York. Demographic and socio-economic characteristics—including age, sex, race, income, possessing a driver’s license, frequency of leaving home, and personal mobility limitations—are tested but do not display, in bi-variate analysis, statistically significant differences for transit riders versus non-transit riders. However, features of the built environment—including distance (actual and perceived) between home and transit stop, transit service level, population density, number of street intersections, metropolitan location, and neighborhood crime (property and violent) rate—display statistically significant differences for transit riders versus non-transit riders. Both objective and perceived walking distances to access fixed-route transit show statistically significant differences between transit riders and non-transit riders. Average walking distance from home to transit for non-transit riders—who mostly live in suburbs—is three times greater than average walking distance between home and the nearest transit stop for transit riders—who mostly live in the central city. When asked how near a bus stop is to their homes, transit riders slightly overestimate the actual distance, while non-transit riders underestimate the distance.     

Household choices of car-use reduction measures

The present research investigated what car-use reduction measures are perceived by households to be feasible if their goal is to reduce car driving. In Study 1 a number of such measures were included in a survey questionnaire requesting a total of 770 randomly selected respondents to rate how likely they would be to choose the different measures. The ratings suggested that for shopping trips choosing closer stores and trip chaining are more likely to be chosen than any other measure. A similar pattern was observed for leisure trips. Switching to public transport was the most likely choice for work trips. Women were more likely than men to choose public transport and trip chaining, whereas men were more likely than women to choose motorbike/moped. Choices of car pooling, biking, and motorbike/moped decreased with age. In Study 2 it was determined in interviews what choices households would make in forming car-use reduction intentions, then 1-week travel diaries were collected to assess whether their car-use intentions were implemented. A random sample of 113 multiperson households participated. They expected to be able to change approximately 10% of their car trips. However they made many more trips than they had expected. Constraints, perceived costs, and preferences for different car-use reduction measures may all play a role for the choices. Further research needs to disentangle these roles since their implications for policies are different.     

When human beings are like drunk robots: Driverless vehicles,ethics, and the future of transport

It is often argued that driverless vehicles will save lives. In this paper, we treat the ethical case for driverless vehicles seriously and show that it has radical implications for the future of transport. After briefly discussing the current state of driverless vehicle technology, we suggest that systems that rely upon human supervision are likely to be dangerous when used by ordinary people in real-world driving conditions and are unlikely to satisfy the desires of consumers. We then argue that the invention of fully autonomous vehicles that pose a lower risk to third parties than human drivers will establish a compelling case against the moral permissibility of manual driving. As long as driverless vehicles aren’t safer than human drivers, it will be unethical to sell them. Once they are safer than human drivers when it comes to risks to 3rd parties, then it should be illegal to drive them: at that point human drivers will be the moral equivalent of drunk robots. We also describe two plausible mechanisms whereby this ethical argument may generate political pressure to have it reflected in legislation. Freeing people from the necessity of driving, though, will transform the relationship people have with their cars, which will in turn open up new possibilities for the transport uses of the automobile. The ethical challenge posed by driverless vehicles for transport policy is therefore to ensure that the most socially and environmentally beneficial of these possibilities is realised. We highlight several key policy choices that will determine how likely it is that this challenge will be met.     

Categorization of the lane change decision process on freeways

Traffic operations for new road layouts are often simulated using microscopic traffic simulation packages. These traffic simulation packages usually simulate traffic on freeways by a combination of a car-following model and a lane change model. The car-following models have gained attention of researchers and are well calibrated versus data. The proposed lane change models are often representations of assumed reasonable behavior, not necessarily corresponding to reality. The current simulation packages apply solely one specific type of model for car-following or lane changing for all vehicles during the simulation. This paper investigates the decision process of lane changing maneuvers for a variety of drivers based on a two-stage test-drive. Participants are asked to take a drive on a freeway in the Netherlands in a camera-equipped vehicle. Afterwards, the drivers are asked to comment on their choices related to lane and speed choice, while watching the video. This paper reveals that different drivers have completely different strategies to choose lanes, and the choices to change lane are related to their speed choice. Four distinct strategies are empirically found. These strategies differ not only in parameter values, as is currently being modeled in most simulation packages, but also in their reasoning. Most remarkably, all drivers perceive their strategy as an obvious behavior and expect all other drivers to drive in a similar way. In addition to the interviews of the participants in the test-drive, 11 people who did not take part in the experiment were interviewed and questioned on lane change decisions. Moreover, the findings of this study have been presented to various groups of audience with different backgrounds (about 150 people). Their comments and feedback on the derived driving strategies have added some value to this study. The findings in this paper form a starting point for developing a novel lane change model which considers four different driving strategies among the drivers on freeway. This is a significant contribution in the area of driving behavior modeling, since the existing microscopic simulators consider only one type of lane change models for all drivers during the simulation. This could lead to significant changes in the way lane changes on freeways are modeled.     

Breaking car use habits: The effectiveness of a free one-month travelcard

Based on calls for innovative ways of reducing car traffic and research indicating that car driving is often the result of habitual decision-making and choice processes, this paper reports on a field experiment designed to test a tool aimed to entice drivers to skip the habitual choice of the car and consider using—or at least trying—public transport instead. About 1,000 car drivers participated in the experiment either as experimental subjects, receiving a free one-month travelcard, or as control subjects. As predicted, the intervention had a significant impact on drivers’ use of public transport and it also neutralized the impact of car driving habits on mode choice. However, in the longer run (i.e., four months after the experiment) experimental subjects did not use public transport more than control subjects. Hence, it seems that although many car drivers choose travel mode habitually, their final choice is consistent with their informed preferences, given the current price–quality relationships of the various options.     

Parking demand and responsiveness to supply,pricing and location in the Sydney central business district

This paper investigates the role of parking pricing and supply by time of day in whether to drive and park in the central business district (CBD). A stated preference survey of car drivers and public transport users was undertaken at a number of parking locations, public transit interchanges, and shopping centres in Sydney CBD during 1998. In the context of a current trip to the CBD, respondents were asked to consider six alternatives, including three parking locations in the CBD, park outside of the CBD with public transport connection to the CBD, switch to public transport, or forego that trip to the CBD. The three parking locations were defined by hours of operation, a tariff schedule, and access time to the final destination from the parking station. Data from the survey were then used to estimate a nested logit model of mode and parking choices, which was then used to simulate the impacts of supply pricing scenarios on CBD parking share. The change in CBD parking share attributable to supply by time of day is less than 3%, compared to 97% attributable to parking prices.     

Mobile phone use while driving: public opinions on restrictions

This paper reviews two road-user surveys on the use of mobile phones on the road in Finland where the mobile phone ownership rate is highest in the world (70% in August 2000). From 1998 to 1999 the proportion of drivers that chose to use a mobile phone while driving rose from 56% to 68%, while the proportion of phone using drivers who experienced dangerous situations due to phone use rose from 44% to 50%. The proportion of drivers who used their phones in some way to benefit safety on the road remained at about 55%. The youngest, novice drivers had the highest level of phone usage of all age categories. Over 48% of the interviewees believed that the government should ban the use of hand-held mobile phones while driving, and another 27% believed that all types of mobile phone use should be banned while driving. Those drivers who used their phones the most each day were more likely to want some form of restrictions, than those who had lower usage. This is a strong message to the elected lawmakers and raises the problem of exactly how regulatory bodies would go about controlling the future growth of new driver support and non-driving related communication devices in road vehicles. It was concluded that legislating for hands-free use only would be a reasonable course of action. Mandating that the current generation of equipment should be optimized for hands-free use should result in future generations of in-vehicle equipment also being optimized for hands-free use as a minimum criterion.     

Eco-driving training of professional bus drivers – Does it work?

The drive to reduce fuel consumption and greenhouse gas emissions is one shared by both businesses and governments. Although many businesses in the European Union undertake interventions, such as driver training, there is relatively little research which has tested the efficacy of this approach and that which does exist has methodological limitations. One emerging technology employed to deliver eco-driving training is driver training using a simulator. The present study investigated whether bus drivers trained in eco-driving techniques were able to implement this learning in a simulator and whether this training would also transfer into the workplace. A total of 29 bus drivers attended an all-day eco-driving course and their driving was tested using a simulator both before and after the course. A further 18 bus drivers comprised the control group, and they attended first aid courses as well as completing the same simulator drives (before-after training). The bus drivers who were given the eco-driving training significantly improved fuel economy figures in the simulator, while there was no change in fuel economy for the control group. Actual fuel economy figures were also provided by the bus companies immediately before the training, immediately after the training and six months after the training. As expected there were no significant changes in fuel economy for the control group. However, fuel economy for the treatment group improved significantly immediately after the eco-driving training (11.6%) and this improvement was even larger six months after the training (16.9%). This study shows that simulator-based training in eco-driving techniques has the potential to significantly reduce fuel consumption and greenhouse gas emissions in the road transport sector.     

Traffic accident risk perception among drivers: a latent variable approach

ABSTRACT

Governments require decision tools to deal with road traffic accidents, a pandemic resulting in millions of deaths around the world. Evidence shows that human factors are one of the major causes of road accidents, and there is much interest in identifying variables that may have an impact on drivers’ perception of risk. To this aim, we design a stated choice experiment with eight hypothetical driving scenarios considering attributes that have been strongly associated with increased accident risks: (i) driving speed, (ii) driving the wrong way in a one-way street, (iii) overtaking on a bend, and (iv) driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs. Data from a sample of survey respondents are used to estimate a hybrid discrete choice model incorporating two latent variables, Driver Concentration and Safe Driving. Our results may contribute to the design of public policies geared to prevent accidents by encouraging safer driving behaviour.